Over the last four years, hundreds of Colombian activists have been murdered. According to the UN, approximately 120 defenders of human rights were killed in 2019 alone (Hurtado, 2020). These activists do not belong to one group or organization, but they fight for the rights and protections of a diverse group of Colombians in rural areas, some focusing on Indigenous freedoms, and others on the rights of Colombian women and gender minorities (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021).
But why are these people, many of whom peacefully advocate for minoritized groups, being murdered at the highest rates in Latin America? (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021) This violence has a long history in Colombia, but this particular phenomenon has been precipitated by governmental failures since 2016. Specifically, the Colombian government signed a peace deal with the guerilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, or FARC for short) in November of 2016 (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021). While this peace deal was intended to stop decades of conflict, demobilize the group, and stop the killings of human rights activists, some former FARC members have given up on peace and other, newly violent groups have stepped into the vacuum left by FARC’s dissolution (Garcia Cano, 2021).
Ultimately, however, this is not the fault of one individual or even one group; it is the failure of the Colombian government which has had such deadly consequences. Of the approximately 120 killings in 2019, the United Nations has reported that “the great majority… happened in rural areas,” with 86% of the murders occurring in impoverished villages (Hurtado, 2020). In addition to the stereotypical, international neglect of rural communities by their governments, these killings represent the violent consequences of both a sub-par judicial system and of rights disparities. In this case, the former in particular has contributed to the “limited government efforts to undermine armed groups’ power” (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021). In other words, those who have murdered prominent human rights activists have not been consistently brought to justice for their crimes. Those who opposed human rights activists were not only given leeway by the Colombian government, but they were brought to violence first by their lack of access to public services. Contrary to the promises made in their 2016 peace agreement with FARC, the Colombian government did not ensure that people in rural communities received an education, had opportunities for economic stability, and more (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021).
As a result of these killings, Colombia has joined Iraq and the Philippines in the top three countries with the most activists murdered (Garcia Cano, 2021). The Human Rights Watch has recently advised that the United States and European Union assist the Colombian government in addressing this serious human rights violation, by “press[ing] Colombian authorities to… overhaul existing" protections of human rights activists and “exploring new avenues to reduce the power and corrupt influence of armed groups” (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021). While the Human Rights Watch also includes more specific instructions regarding Colombian drug production, these demands of the United States government in particular are vague and unfortunately ironic. With an attack on the United States Capitol building cemented in American history just over a month ago, the “influence of armed groups” is not a problem exclusive to Colombia; rather, it is a problem in the very countries being called upon to assist Colombia (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021). And, with the increase in Black Lives Matter protests (globally and in the United States) in the summer of 2020, the United States exhibited institutional violence against human rights protesters. The causes of these issues might appear disparate, but the result remains the same; activists’ safety is threatened in all corners of the globe, and requires more than “exploring new avenues to reduce the power… of armed groups” (Pappier and Villarreal, 2021). Globally, we need institutions to change and equitably promote education, economic stability, and human rights for all. As the spokesperson for the UN High Commission for Human Rights, Marta Hurtado, stated in regard to the Colombian murders, “any attack against human rights defenders… constitutes an assault against democracy” (Hurtado, 2020).
Sources:
Garcia Cano, R. (2021, Feb 10). Report: Colombia failing to protect human rights defenders. ABCNews. https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/report-colombia-failing-protect-human-rights-defenders-75793952
Hurtado, M. (2020, Jan 14). Colombia: Human rights activists killings. United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commission. https://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25461&LangID=E
Pappier, J. and N.C. Villarreal. (2021, Feb 10). Left Undefended: Killings of Rights Defenders in Colombia's Remote Communities. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/02/10/left-undefended/killings-rights-defenders-colombias-remote-communities
Images:
The Peace Flag. (2013, Sept 21). https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1a/Colombian_Flag_of_Peace.jpg
U.S. Department of State. (2020, Sept 19). Secretary Pompeo Delivers a Press Statement with Colombian President Duque. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d7/Secretary_Pompeo_Delivers_a_Press_Statement_with_Colombian_President_Duque_%2850369491081%29_%28cropped%29.jpg
1 comment:
I thought this post was really interesting. I was surprised to read that the majority of killings were occurring in rural areas. I am curious about what other factors are contributing to this, besides the ones mentioned in the post. While the government is neglecting to protect these areas and enforce punishment for violent acts, why are people in rural areas being targeted at such as higher rate to begin with?
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